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Manxmans 911 theory thread, discusion thread.

Analysis of the structure of and evidence for "Let It Happen On Purpose" hypotheses. (Please see the suggestions for constructive discussion on the top thread.)

Manxmans 911 theory thread, discusion thread.

Postby manxman » Sun Jul 03, 2011 3:10 am

i am just using this post temporarily whitey for all the stuff i have taken out of my other thread.
posts were too Bloated.
I am considering formats, ive got bloody loads to post, i wanna do it in the most comprehensible fashion, i will get there, infact im buzzin now i have started.

anyway the below is just temporary storage in no particular order.

Heres a press conference of his in 2007

"Speaking to the Arabic satellite network Al-Arabiya on Thursday, Bandar -- now Abdullah's national security adviser -- said Saudi intelligence was "actively following" most of the September 11, 2001, plotters "with precision."
"If U.S. security authorities had engaged their Saudi counterparts in a serious and credible manner, in my opinion, we would have avoided what happened," he said."

The leaks about Mr al-Bayoumi and Mr Basnan are a symptom of rivalry in Washington. Congress is preparing a report into the September 11 investigation criticising the administration for failing to pursue leads that point to the Saudi establishment. The FBI is also frustrated that its inquiry into the Saudi role was stymied for political reasons.


prince bandar and his close links to the bushes.

Bandar bin Sultan bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud (Arabic: الأمير بندر بن سلطان بن عبدالعزيز آل سعود‎) is a prince of the Saudi royal family and was Saudi Arabia's ambassador to the United States from 1983 to 2005. He was appointed Secretary-General of the National Security Council by King Abdullah on 16 October 2005. He is a son of Crown Prince Sultan.

He had a close relationship with many American presidents, particularly George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush. He was often called "Bandar Bush". He was at the center of the controversy in the Al-Yamamah arms deal, a corruption scandal that involved the sale of more than 100 warplanes.

He has formed close relationships with several American presidents, notably George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush, the latter giving him the affectionate and controversial nickname "Bandar Bush" [7] His particularly close relationship with the Bush family was highlighted in Michael Moore's Fahrenheit 9/11. He was so close to George H. W. Bush, that he was often described as a member of the family.[4][8] He advocated Saddam Hussein's overthrow in Iraq.[9] He encouraged military action against Iraq and supported **** Cheney's "The New Middle East" agenda which called for pro-democracy programs in Syria and Iran.[9] His children attended school with Cheney's grandchildren



"Hijackers Lived With FBI Informant"

Details of the inquiry he headed and its goals are in the next link, this is from 2003, he comes very
close to actually accusing the bush administration of being directly involved, in fact he does, but he does it in politician speak..

sample quote.

Graham said he was basing his accusations on classified information he has received as a ranking member of the Senate intelligence committee, and as a leader of last year's joint congressional inquiry into the Sept. 11 attacks.

That inquiry by the intelligence committees of the House and Senate focused on missteps made by U.S. intelligence and law enforcement agencies in the years and months before the attacks, and on ways to prevent terrorist acts on U.S. soil. It reviewed hundreds of thousands of pages of CIA, FBI and National Security Agency files, interviewed hundreds of front-line law enforcement and intelligence agents and held a series of public and closed-door hearings before adjourning to complete its final report.

Graham said the joint inquiry report was completed more than five months ago and provides very detailed information on "the buildup to Sept. 11." It also raises policy questions as to whether "those lessons have been applied since."

Graham said the public needs to know those details, but that the joint inquiry staff has been blocked from releasing large segments of the final report because the Bush administration has insisted that it remain classified �including information already disclosed in public hearings.

"I think what they are shooting at is to cover up the failures that occurred before Sept. 11 [as well as] the failure to utilize the information that we have gained to avoid a future Sept. 11," Graham said on the talk show.


He is still very consistant in his stance and allegations, only 8 years on theres much more information in the public domain, and no doubt he has come to gain more data about his allegations.

So to me its safe to assume he has not learnt anything since, that has made him change his mind at all.



Bayoumi not only took them from l.a. he sets them up in the same apartment block as he and his wife, also a fellow saudi agent and his wife lived in the same apartments in california.
infact the 2 terrorists moved in right next door to Bayoumi.

the fellow agent some publications call him/spell his name differently it is Osama Basnan

Bassnan lived in the apartment complex in San Diego across the street from al-Hazmi
and al-Mihdhar.
see committees report above p228

all mentions of Basnan’s name appear to be redacted. However, one can determine when Basnan is being referred to. For instance, the same paragraph that mentions his link to the bin Laden family also says the same person with that link hosted a party for Sheikh Omar Abdul-Rahman in 1992, and press reports have indicated that person was Basnan" ... 1basnanfbi
from the fbi file below

"Rental records for the Parkwood Apartments, 6401 Mount Ada
Road, San Diego; California indicate that, prior to moving into
apartment 150, hijackers Nawaf Al-Hazmi and Khalid AI-Mihdhar lived
with Omar Al-Bayoumi at 6333 Mount Ada Road, apartment 152 San Diego,
California. Prior to that, they indicated they lived in Saudi
Arabia. Al-Bayoumi further appears as co-signer and guarantor for
AI-Hazmi and AI-Mihdhar on their rental application. AI-Bayoumi
recommended Al-Hazmi and Al-Mihdhar to the property manager of the
Parkwood Apartments and was listed as the co-signer and guarantor on
their lease because they did not have established credit. According
to the apartment manager of the Parkwood Apartments, Al-Bayoumi
occasionally paid rent for Al-Hazmi and Al-Mihdhar."
from the fbi file below

the 2 terrorists also took rooms with an active fbi asset, who worshipped with them, this was one person the administration made sure no-one would ever hear peep out of in person.

"The Administration has to date objected to the Inquiry’s efforts to interview the informant"
The Administration also would not agree to allow the FBI to serve a Committee subpoena and deposition notice on the informant. Instead, written interrogatories from the Joint Inquiry were, at the suggestion of the FBI, provided to the informant. Through an attorney, the informant has declined to respond to those interrogatories and has indicated that, if subpoenaed, the informant would request a grant of immunity prior to testifying." page 51 committee report

"Initially the asset was not paid. In July 2003, the asset was given a $100,000 payment and closed as an asset."
footnote 197 DOJOIG report

in May 2000 Hazmi and Mihdhar began renting a room in the home of an FBI informational asset. An FBI San Diego Special Agent who we call �Stan� was the asset�s control agent since the asset was opened in 1994. The asset had provided the FBI with significant information over the years and was considered a reliable source. He was well known in the Muslim community. He often rented rooms in his house to Muslim men in the community who needed temporary housing. At the time that Hazmi and Mihdhar moved in with him, he had two other individuals renting rooms in his house. Mihdhar lived with the asset until June 10, 2000, when he left the United States, and Hazmi remained as a boarder at the asset�s home until December 2000. ... r5.htm#199

to be completed.


Let's move from 9/11 and the Saudis to the invasion of Iraq. Do you believe the president misled the American public about the justification for the invasion and the urgency of the security threat?

If he believed the evidence that was being presented to him -- that there were 550 sites in Iraq where weapons of mass destruction were being either produced or stored -- then he was very noncurious about finding out what the basis of that information was. He should have pursued the credibility of the intelligence before he committed us to taking one of the most serious actions any country can take. The user of intelligence has the responsibility to challenge the credibility of the intelligence. When [then CIA director] George Tenet said it was a slam-dunk that there were weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, the president supinely accepted that.

But a lot of people who were opposed to the war on the grounds that Saddam was already contained did believe there were probably weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. What did you believe?

I was suspicious [about the intelligence], but I was prepared to accept the word of the president of the United States. But my reason for voting against the war was really a more strategic one: that al-Qaida was a greater threat to Americans than was Saddam Hussein, and that we should stay on the task of al-Qaida until we had finished it. I didn't think we should get into a situation where our prestige and reputation would suffer in the entire Middle East and into what now appears to be a quagmire which has no end in sight.

Along those lines, you said that in a meeting at the U.S. Central Command in Tampa, Fla., in February 2002, Gen. Tommy Franks, who was then conducting the war in Afghanistan, told you that resources were already being shifted quietly to Iraq. Additionally, you write that Franks told you that Somalia and Yemen, not Iraq, were the next logical targets in any action to combat terrorism.

Yes. I had just received a briefing on Afghanistan when Gen. Franks invited me to come into his office, just the two of us. He told me that military and intelligence resources were being redeployed from Afghanistan to Iraq. What that suggested to me was [first] that the decision to go to war in Iraq had been made at least 14 months before we actually went to Iraq, and long before there was authorization from Congress and long before the United Nations was sought out for a resolution of support. Secondly, it suggested we couldn't fight the two wars concurrently to victory, but that it would take redeployment of personnel from Afghanistan to Iraq to make that a successful invasion. Third, it suggested that somebody -- I assume the president -- had decided that Iraq was a higher priority for the United States than was completing the war in Afghanistan.

Why do you think Franks told you this?

I don't know what his motivation was, but we had just heard a report on the status of the war in Afghanistan, which was very upbeat, [saying] we were making a lot of progress. So one motivation may have been to caution me that things in reality weren't necessarily what they appeared to be.

Do you believe the White House manipulated the intelligence to persuade the public to back the invasion? "Manipulate" may be too strong a word for you. But it took a request from you and Sen. **** Durbin, D-Ill., to get the intelligence community to produce a National Intelligence Estimate on the danger posed by Iraq, a step that would seem an obvious one to take, considering the stakes to the nation.

I am comfortable with the word "manipulate." There was a chapter that did not become known until three or four months ago that occurred in May 2002. Various leaders of the CIA were called down to the White House and told that the White House wanted to have a public document that could be released under the CIA's label but which would make the case for going to war with Iraq. I think one of the reasons they didn't want to do a formal National Intelligence Estimate was because it would be done not by the CIA alone but by all of the members of the intelligence community, and it was likely to reach a different conclusion. At least it would contain dissenting opinions and caveats that wouldn't be in a CIA public document.

This description of the CIA is one that is under the complete control of the White House, an agency that is not independent but highly politicized.

That's right. It is the expression of the leadership of the intelligence agencies, trying to placate their masters in the administration.

A later inquiry conducted by the Senate intelligence committee under your successor as chairman, Sen. Pat Roberts, R-Kan., looked at the quality of intelligence on weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and concluded that it was execrable. Yet the Republicans on the panel blocked any probe of whether the administration pressured the intelligence agencies to manufacture the conclusions it sought to justify a war that it had already decided to wage. If you had still been the top Democrat on the committee, would you have insisted that the White House and the agencies be included in that probe?

I think Sen. Jay Rockefeller [D-W.Va.], who is the vice chairman of the committee, did insist, and the effect of that was to make clear to him that there would be no investigation of anything if he persisted. I think he decided the better course was to agree to just do the first component if there was a commitment to do the rest at a reasonably close later date.

You retire at the end of this year. What's next for you?

First, I'll be working on letting the American people know about the opportunity they have to better understand the intelligence matters of the United States by buying this book. (Laughs.) Then, I'll teach at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard for a year and after that come back to Florida to establish a policy center at one or more universities in Florida.


In a public statement issued on Monday, January 31, members of the 9/11 Family Steering Committee demanded a prompt response from the former Chairman and the Executive Director of the 9/11 Commission regarding Former FBI Language Specialist Behrooz Sarshar’s censored testimony to the Commission. The former commissioners failed to respond to this request.

In February 2004 Behrooz Sarshar provided the 9/11 Commission’s investigators with specific documents and names of the related witnesses, including the full name and contact information of the key “FBI Asset/Informant” in an FBI case titled ‘Kamikaze Pilots.’ However, the commission chose not to contact or interview any of these witnesses, including FBI Director Robert Mueller. The Commission’s final report did not mention a single word of this documented testimony, and their recently released memorandum omitted the entire interview with no explanation provided.

The following information was provided by Mr. Sarshar to several Congressional offices and investigators, including staff of the Senate Judiciary Committee and the Committee’s leading Democrat at the time, Senator Patrick Leahy, and the Justice Department’s Inspector General Office. I was present during at least four meetings where the briefings were recorded and documented. While working at the Bureau I was briefed on this case by not only Mr. Sarshar but another firsthand witness, and I saw the actual 302 forms filed with the unit’s squad supervisor (FBI language specialists get to keep a copy of their reports/forms). Further, I personally briefed the 9/11 commission investigators on the details of this particular case, which is confirmed by the commission’s memorandum.

I have only deleted sensitive personal information related to the FBI informant-Asset, and as you’ll see every single deleted item (by me-indicated as S.E.) has been indicated in bold-italics. Other than that, the information below is exactly what was recounted by Mr. Sarshar on four occasions:

In this link is whistle-blower sibel edmonds testimony on this fbi file.
FBI File Name: “Kamikaze Pilots”


This is how it concludes.

That was the last time we ever discussed this case before the 9/11 attacks took place. The only other person I told this to and showed the 302 forms and the translation report, before September 11, was Amin here. Then, on that Tuesday morning on September 11 everything came back to me and hit me on the head like several tons of bricks.

That morning, we heard the news, and all of us ran out to the next unit to watch the CNN footage on the TV screens installed out there. As soon as I saw the planes hitting those buildings I said to myself: ‘Oh my God, oh dear God; we were warned about this; we were told about this; very specifically’ I almost fainted; I kept hearing the informant’s words; I kept hearing his last warnings begging us to do something fast. And we had done NOTHING. Now it was already way too late. I felt nauseous; I felt sick.

A few minutes later I saw one of the two agents; I started making my way into the crowd gathered in front of the TV screens, hundreds of people, and walked toward the agent. He spotted me before I got to him; we locked eyes; knowing eyes. He felt what I was feeling; he knew what I knew; he thought what I was thinking; we were responsible for this. Someone in the FBI would be hung for this.

When I got close to him I asked ‘what are we going to do? What should we do next?’ He shook his head and whispered: ‘I don’t know. I cannot even think straight right now. I don’t know Behrooz. We fucked this up; the Bureau fucked our country. Why?! Oh God; we let this happen.’ With that said he ran out of the room. I went back to check my drawer and make sure that I still had everything: the 302 forms, from both meetings, my translation reports; both of them. They were all there.

A few days later, when I got together with both agents and Amin to go over an assignment, I brought up the topic. They avoided eye contact with me. I asked the agents what they were going to do; if they’d already done something. At first they were evasive. Then, after I insisted, one of them, Tony, said: ‘Listen; Frields called us into his office and gave us an order; an absolute order.’ I asked them what the order was. He said ‘we never got any warnings. Those conversations never existed; it never happened; period. He said this is very sensitive…and that no one should ever mention a word about this case; period.’

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